Page 17 - Solving Housing Disputes
P. 17

26
                incomprehensible.  Moreover, there is an inbuilt imbalance in the majority of
                cases, since resolving a dispute for a landlord or service provider is a business
                matter or a professional function while for a tenant it is about their home, an
                emotional proposition by which they are constantly surrounded, or in the case
                                                    27
                of homelessness, the absence of a home.

          2.6   In housing disputes, courts are called upon to provide a legal resolution to
                            28
                relationships  that have broken down for any number of reasons. However,
                that resolution commonly does not resolve all the actual or potential issues
                between the parties, still less between parties and others who may nonetheless
                have  a  role,  such  as  local  authorities  both  as  enforcement  bodies  and  in
                relation to homelessness. In a context of diminished public funding for legal
                advice  and  financial  pressures  from  Universal  Credit  on  tenants,  judges
                intervene as far as they are able; they manage possession lists by encouraging
                parties to pursue negotiated solutions, such as rent repayment agreements or
                                                                               29
                suspended possession orders subject to certain obligations on a tenant.  We
                acknowledge these efforts and those of the overstretched advice sector and
                elsewhere in the report make recommendations for how the current system
                can consolidate developments that focus on problem solving in and out of the
                courts and tribunals.

          2.7   However,  the  system  as  currently  configured  fails  in  several  ways.
                Responsibility and oversight reside in too many places, preventing a coherent
                understanding of structural problems within housing. Disputes are submitted



          26  JUSTICE’s 2019 Working Party report, Understanding Courts, made 41 recommendations to improve
          understanding of and participation in the court process for lay users, to address a culture that leads to
          “user   dissatisfaction,   confusion   and   exclusion”,   executive   summary,   available   at
          https://justice.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2019/01/Understanding-Courts.pdf

          27  The loss of one’s home is a traumatic experience, with long lasting effects on wellbeing and family
          life, “from disrupting a child’s education to triggering stress and depression”, with the corresponding
          public perception that repossession and homelessness are two of the three most serious problems a person
          could face, Eviction Risk Monitor, ‘local rates of landlord and mortgage possession claims’, in: Shelter
          policy library December 2011, p. 3.

          28  As described elsewhere in this report, most housing disputes in any given year are possession claims,
          involving relationships between a landlord, whether private or social, and a tenant.

          29  Such an approach is positively encouraged by the Pre-Action Protocol for Possession Claims by Social
          Landlords and the Pre-Action Protocol for Possession Claims based on Mortgage or Home Purchase Plan
          Arrears in Respect of Residential Property - see para 3.30, below.
          11
   12   13   14   15   16   17   18   19   20   21   22